Click below for Washington's comments on:
• The
inability of the Confederation to regulate trade
• The
progress of the ratification of the Constitution
• Its
advocates and opponents in Virginia
• The
merits of the proposed Constitution
• Term
limits for the President
• His
attitude toward becoming the first President
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for image of original letter
Mount Vernon, April 28, 1788.
I have now before me, my dear Marqs. your favor
of the 3d of August in the last year; together with those of the
1st. of January, the 2d. of January and the 4th. of February in
the present. Though the first is of so ancient a date, they all
come to hand lately, and nearly at the same moment. The frequency
of your kind remembrance of me, and the endearing expressions
of attachment, are by so much the more satisfactory, as I recognize
them to be a counterpart of my own feelings for you. In truth,
you know I speak the language of sincerity and not of flattery,
when I tell you, that your letters are ever most welcome and dear
to me.
This I lay out to be a letter of Politics. We
are looking anxiously across the Atlantic for news and you are
looking anxiously back again for the same purpose. It is an interesting
subject to contemplate how far the war, kindled in the north of
Europe, may extend its conflagrations, and what may be the result
before its extinction. The Turk appears to have lost his old and
acquired a new connection. Whether England has not, in the hour
of her pride, overacted her part and pushed matters too far for
her own interest, time will discover: but, in my opinion (though
from my distance and want of minute information I should form
it with diffidence) the affairs of that nation cannot long go
on in the same prosperous train: in spite of expedients and in
spite of resources, the Paper bubble will one day burst. And it
will whelm many in the ruins. I hope the affairs of France are
gradually sliding into a better state. Good effects may, and I
trust will ensue, without any public convulsion France, were her
resources properly managed and her administrations wisely conducted,
is (as you justly observe) much more potent in the scale of empire,
than her rivals at present seem inclined to believe.
I notice with pleasure
the additional immunities and facilities in trade, which France
has granted by the late Royal arret to the United States. I flatter
myself it will have the desired effect, in some measure, of augmenting
the commercial intercourse. From the productions and wants of
the two countries, their trade with each other is certainly capable
of great amelioration, to be actuated by a spirit of unwise policy.
For so surely as ever we shall have an efficient government established,
so surely will that government impose retaliating restrictions,
to a certain degree, upon the trade of Britain. At present, or
under our existing form of Confederations, it would be idle to
think of making commercial regulations on our part. One State
passes a prohibitory law respecting some article, another State
opens wide the avenue for its admission. One Assembly makes a
system, another Assembly unmakes it. Virginia, in the very last
session of her Legislature, was about to have passed some of the
most extravagant and preposterous Edicts on the subject of trade,
that ever stained the leaves of a Legislative Code. It is in vain
to hope for a remedy of these and innumerable other evils, until
a general Government shall be adopted.
The Conventions of Six
States only have as yet accepted the new Constitution. No one
has rejected it. It is believed that the Convention of Maryland,
which is now in session; and that of South Carolina, which is
to assemble on the 12th of May, will certainly adopt it. It is,
also, since the elections of Members for the Convention have taken
place in this State, more generally believed that it will be adopted
here than it was before those elections were made. There
will, however, be powerful and eloquent speeches on both sides
of the question in the Virginia Convention; but as Pendleton,
Wythe, Blair, Madison, Jones, Nicholas, Innis and many other of
our first characters will be advocates for its adoption, you may
suppose the weight of abilities will rest on that side. Henry
and Mason are its great adversaries. The Governor, if he opposes
it at all will do it feebly.
On the general merits of
this proposed Constitution, I wrote to you, some time ago, my
sentiments pretty freely. That letter had not been received by
you, when you addressed to me the last of yours which has come
to my hands. I had never supposed that perfection could be the
result of accommodation and mutual concession. The opinion of
Mr. Jefferson and yourself is certainly a wise one, that the Constitution
ought by all means to be accepted by nine States before any attempt
should be made to procure amendments. For, if that acceptance
shall not previously take place, men's minds will be so much agitated
and soured, that the danger will be greater than ever of our becoming
a disunited People. Whereas, on the other hand, with prudence
in temper and a spirit of moderation, every essential alteration,
may in the process of time, be expected.
You will doubtless, have seen, that it was owing
to this conciliatory and patriotic principle that the Convention
of Massachusetts adopted the Constitution in toto; but recommended
a number of specific alterations and quieting explanations, as
an early, serious and unremitting subject of attention. Now, although
it is not to be expected that every individual, in Society, will
or can ever be brought to agree upon what is, exactly, the best
form of government; yet, there are many things in the Constitution
which only need to be explained, in order to prove equally satisfactory
to all parties. For example: there was not a member of the convention,
I believe, who had the least objection to what is contended for
by the Advocates for a Bill of Rights and Trial by Jury. The first,
where the people evidently retained every thing which they did
not in express terms give up, was considered nugatory as you will
find to have been more fully explained by Mr. Wilson and others:
And as to the second, it was only the difficulty of establishing
a mode which should not interfere with the fixed modes of any
of the States, that induced the Convention to leave it, as a matter
of future adjustment.
There are other points
on which opinions would be more likely to vary. As for instance,
on the ineligibility of the same person for President, after he
should have served a certain course of years. Guarded so effectually
as the proposed Constitution is, in respect to the prevention
of bribery and undue influence in the choice of President: I confess,
I differ widely myself from Mr. Jefferson and you, as to the necessity
or expediency of rotation in that appointment. The matter was
fairly discussed in the Convention, and to my full convictions;
though I cannot have time or room to sum up the argument in this
letter. There cannot, in my judgment, be the least danger that
the President will by any practicable intrigue ever be able to
continue himself one moment in office, much less perpetuate himself
in it; but in the last stage of corrupted morals and political
depravity: and even then there is as much danger that any other
species of domination would prevail. Though, when a people shall
have become incapable of governing themselves and fit for a master,
it is of little consequence from what quarter he comes. Under
an extended view of this part of the subject, I can see no propriety
in precluding ourselves from the services of any man, who on some
great emergency shall be deemed universally, most capable of serving
the Public.
In answer to the observations
you make on the probability of my election to the Presidency (knowing
me as you do) I need only say, that it has no enticing charms,
and no fascinating allurements for me. However, it might not be
decent for me to say I would refuse to accept or even to speak
much about an appointment, which may never take place: for in
so doing, one might possibly incur the application of the moral
resulting from that Fable, in which the Fox is represented as
inveighing against the sourness of the grapes, because he could
not reach them. All that it will be necessary to add, my dear
Marquis, in order to show my decided predilection, is, that, (at
my time of life and under my circumstances) the increasing infirmities
of nature and the growing love of retirement do not permit me
to entertain a wish beyond that of living and dying an honest
man on my own farm. Let those follow the pursuits of ambition
and fame, who have a keener relish for them, or who may have more
years, in store, for the enjoyment.
Mrs. Washington, while she requests that her
best compliments may be presented to you, joins with me in soliciting
that the same friendly and affectionate memorial of our constant
remembrance and good wishes may be made acceptable to Madame de
Lafayette and the little ones. I am &c.
P. S. May 1st. Since writing the foregoing
letter, I have received Authentic Accounts that the Convention
of Maryland have ratified the new Constitution by a Majority of
63 to 11.
The Writings of George Washington
from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick,
Editor., vol. 29.
From
the American
Memory collections of the Library
of Congress.
