Something Wicked
This Way Comes
Stephen Bowers
Analyzes
Deadlier Kind of Terrorism
THESE DAYS,
Americans couldn't be faulted for feeling nostalgic about the good old
days of terrorism, when, strangely, terrorists could be mistaken for
reasonable people. At least they wanted something, and that made them
careful to calibrate their violence to achieve a political objective.
That was before Osama bin Laden and his network of fanatics made the
IRA and the PLO, with their carloads of explosives, seem small time.
The attacks
of Sept. 11 were unprecedented in scale and magnitude anywhere in the
world, says political science professor Stephen Bowers. Even Israel,
which has always been "faced with the threat of annihilation, has never
had to deal with the reality of over 5,000 dead."
And, Bowers
warns, that's just a taste of the "complete destruction of the United
States" that bin Laden's cohorts have vowed.
Sept. 11's
colossal devastation has intensified the demands on Bowers, who, as
head of JMU's William R. Nelson Institute for Public Affairs, has long
been orienting scholars and international decision makers to the landscape
of global terror.
His office
is littered with the rubble of someone hounded by deadlines. Samples
from his massive collection of Russian military hats and helmets are
stacked in tipsy towers, while piles of papers and reference material
line the office perimeter. On the wall above his desk hangs a poster
of Vladimir Lenin and another of Stephen the Great, the founder of modern
Moldova. Pausing in his analysis underneath the latter, Bowers beams
long enough to underscore the lack of resemblance. Sharing the same
name and nation will have to do. Never mind either the country's lack
of modernity, Moldova is Bowers' specialty, and where, in
the Caucasus
of Central Asia, JMU maintains a headquarters for conducting research
and faculty and student exchange visits and partnerships with Romanian
and Moldo-van universities.
Bowers coordinates
the analysis of the festering tensions and terrorism among the ethnic
peoples of the former Soviet territories and presents them to international
opinion leaders. By obtaining and publishing the views of central Asian
scholars and presenting them to the wider world through white papers
and conferences, Bowers says he hopes his work will "propose some suggestions
for conflict resolution. Some of the nongovernmental organizations with
which we work stress conflict resolution as their overall goal. It's
looking at terrorism not in terms of how to make a military response,
but rather how to do the sort of long-term response that alleviates
the tensions that are brought about by terrorist activities."
In other words,
Bowers says, solve the conflict before it erupts into violence. "Its
benefit for the United States is in recognizing that the need for conflict
resolution is not really between the United States and Country X, but
between Country X and Country Y," he explains. "It is much better to
look at those countries and find some venue in which they can try to
alleviate their disputes so it doesn't drag us into it."
That's possible
with the republics of the Caucasus, where disputes smoldered under 70
years of Soviet suppression and where violence is not yet a way of life.
But there's
no reasoning with the fanatics who struck the United States on Sept.
11. "They have declared total war," Bowers warns, "and it presents us,
for the first time as westerners, with a real clear choice. ... It has
given us occasion to think about the absolute necessity of doing things
to save American lives," he says. "It's not like the Gulf War, when
what was at stake was our access to Middle Eastern oil or our protection
of an ally. These are concepts. What we're looking at is not a concept.
The reality is massive destruction and massive loss of life, and the
threat is of even greater loss of life. There's nothing in our experience,
at least for the past 60 years [since World War II], that's comparable
to the magnitude of that threat.
"The campaign
here is much more hysterical than anything we've seen," says the political
science professor. "This is not like the IRA saying, 'let us sit at
the table and let's come to terms about this.'"
What we have
is a frightening arrangement that's not centralized or controlled by
bin Laden, but inspired by him. Bowers says that's a powerful distinction
to draw, because"it means that once Osama bin Laden is captured or killed
that things will continue to happen."
"And the word
today is clear: Just kill as many Americans as possible," Bowers says.
The agenda is simply American death and destruction.
"These people
don't want to come to the table," he says. "You don't so much hear them
say, 'Quit your evil ways and become Muslims' as much as you hear them
say, 'You reject all tenets of Islam and therefore you should be destroyed.'"
And, yes,
they would use biological, chemical and nuclear weapons to do that,
says Bowers, who is long accustomed to weighing terrorist threats. "If
you don't hesitate at killing 5,000 people just going about their work,"
he asks, "then why would you hesitate at killing 50,000?"
Pam Brock
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