(The injunction of secrecy having been removed
from the following proceedings; had in secret session,they are
here inserted under the proper date.)
Ordered, That the Committee of the whole House,
to whom was yesterday committed a motion in the words following,
to wit:
be discharged from the consideration thereof,
and that the motion be referred to Mr. NICHOLSON. Mr. EUSTIS,
Mr. BAYARD, Mr. Dickson Mr. Lowndes Mr. Thompson and Mr. GREGG;
that they do examine the matter thereof, and report the same,
with their opinion thereupon, to the House.
The Committee to whom was referred a resolution
proposing an appropriation of two millions of dollars, to addition
to the sum usually appropriated for the purposes of intercourse
between the United States and foreign nations, submit the following
report:
The object of this resolution
is to enable the Executive to commence, with more effect,
a negotiation with the French and Spanish Governments relative
to the purchase from them of the island of New Orleans, and
the provinces of East and West Florida. This object is deemed
highly important and has received the attentive consideration
of the Committee. The free and unmolested navigation of the
river Mississippi is a point to which the attention of the
General Government has been directed, ever since the peace
of 1783, by which our independence as a nation was finally
acknowledged. The immense tract of country owned by the United
States, which lies immediately on the Mississippi, or communicates
with it by means of large navigable rivers rising within our
boundaries, renders its free navigation an object, not only
of inestimable advantage, but of the very first necessity.
The Mississippi forms the western boundary of the United States,
from its source to the 31st degree of north latitude, and
empties itself into the Gulf of Mexico, shout the 29th degree
of north latitude. It furnishes the only outlet through which
the produce of the Indiana Territory, of the States of Ohio,
Kentucky, and Tennessee, and of the western parts of Pennsylvania
and Virginia, and a portion of the Mississippi Territory,
can be transported to a foreign market, or to the ports of
the Atlantic States. From the 31st degree of north latitude,
which is the southern boundary of the United States, to the
mouth of the river, the territory on each side has heretofore
been in possession of the Spanish Government; the province
of Louisiana lying to the West, and those of East Florida,
with the island of New Orleans, to the East. Although the
United States have insisted on an uncontrollable right to
pass up and down the river, from its source to the sea, yet
this right, if admitted in its most ample latitude, will not
secure to them the full advantages of navigation. The strength
and rapidity of the current of the Mississippi are known to
render its ascent so extremely difficult, that few vessels
of burden have attempted to go as far as our boundary. This
circumstance obliges the citizens of the Western country to
carry their produce down the river in boats, firm which it
is put on board of ships capable of sustaining a sea voyage.
It follows, therefore, that to enjoy the full benefits of
navigation, some place should be fixed which sea vessels can
approach without great inconvenience, where the American produce
may be deposited until it is again shipped to be carried abroad.
This great point was secured to us in the year 1795, by the
Spanish Government, who agreed, in the treaty of San Lorenzo
el Real, that Americans should have the right to deposit at
New Orleans. This right has been used from that time till
a late period; but the conduct of the Intendant at that place
shows how liable have the right to deposit at Now Orleans.
This right has been used from that time till a late period;
but the conduct of the Intendant at that place shows how liable
the advantageous navigation of the river is to interruption,
and strongly points out the impolicy of relying on a foreign
nation for benefits, which our citizens have a right to expect
should be secured to them by their own Government. It is hoped
that the port of New Orleans may again be opened before any
very material injuries arise; but should this be the case,
or if, as the treaty provides, a new place of deposit should
be assigned, the late occurrence shows the uncertainty of
its continuance. Experience proves that the caprice or the
interested views of a single officer may perpetually subject
us to the alternative of submitting to injury, or of resorting
to war.
The late violation of
our treaty with Spain necessarily leads to the inquiry, how
far the Western country may be affected in other points, not
connected with New Orleans? The Mississippi Territory extends
from the confines of Georgia to the river Mississippi, and
from the 31st to the 35th degree of north latitude. It is
estimated to contain more than fifty millions of acres, and,
from its numerous advantages, must one day or other possess
an immense population. The variety, richness, and abundance
of its productions, hold out to settlers the strongest inducements
to resort thither, and the United States may safely calculate
on drawing a considerable revenue from the sale of lands in
this, as well as in other quarters of the Western country.
The value of these, however, may be diminished or increased,
and the sale impeded or advanced by the impression made on
the public mind, by shutting the port of New Orleans, and
by eventual measures which may be adopted to guard against
similar injuries.
West Florida is bounded
on the north by the Mississippi Territory, from which it is
separated by no natural boundary; on the east by the river
Apalachicola, which divides it from East Florida; on the west
by the river Mississippi, and on the south by the Gulf of
Mexico. The Mississippi Territory is intersected by many large
and valuable rivers, which rise within its own boundaries,
and meander through it in a general direction from north to
south, but empty themselves into the Gulf of Mexico through
the province of West Florida. In fact, with the exception
of that part of the Territory which lies immediately on the
Mississippi, the whole must depend on the Mobile and the Apalachicola,
with their numerous branches, and on some other rivers of
inferior note, for the means of rending its produce to market,
and of returning to itself such foreign supplies as the necessities
or convenience of its inhabitants may require. In these rivers,
too, the eastern parts of the State of Tennessee are deeply
interested, as some of the great branches of the Mobile approach
very near to some of those branches of the Tennessee river.
which lie above the great Muscle shoals. Even if it should
prove difficult to connect them, yet the land carriage will
be shorter, and the route to the sea more direct than the
river Tennessee furnishes. These rivers possess, likewise,
an advantage which is denied to the Mississippi. As their
sources are not in the mountains, and their course is through
a level country, their currents are gentle, and the tide flows
considerably above our boundary. This circumstance, together
with the depth of water, which many of them afford, render
them accessible to sea vessels, and ships of two hundred tons
burden may ascend for several hundred miles into the heart
of the Mississippi Territory. These rivers, however, which
run almost exclusively within our own limits, and which it
would seem as if nature had intended for our own benefit,
we must be indebted to others for the beneficial use of, so
long as the province of West Florida shall continue in the
possession of a foreign nation. If the province of West Florida
were of itself an independent empire, it would be the interest
of its Government to promote the freedom of trade, by laying
open the mouths of the rivers to all nations; this having
been the policy of those Powers who possess the mouths of
the Rhine, the Danube, the Po and the Tagus, with some others.
But the system of colonization which has always heretofore
prevailed, proves that the mother country is ever anxious
to engross to itself the trade of its colonies, and affords
us every reason to apprehend that Spain will not readily admit
us to pass through her territory to carry on a trade either
with each other or with foreign nations. This right we may
insist on, and perhaps it may be conceded to us; but it is
possible that it may be denied. At all events it may prove
the source of endless disagreement and perpetual hostility.
In this respect East Florida
may not perhaps be so important, but its acquisition is nevertheless
deemed desirable. From its junction with the State of Georgia,
at the river St. Mary's, it stretches nearly four hundred
miles into the sea, forming a large peninsula, and has some
very fine harbors. The southern point, Gape Florida, is not
more than one hundred miles distant from the Havana, and the
possession of it may be beneficial to us in relation to our
trade with the West Indies. It would likewise make our whole
territory compact, would add considerably to our seacoast,
and by giving us the Gulf of Mexico for our southern boundary,
would render us less liable to attack, in what is now deemed
the most vulnerable part of the Union.
From the aforegoing view
of facts, it must be seen that the possession of New Orleans
and the Floridas will not only be requited for the convenience
of the United States, but will be demanded by their most inperious
necessities. The Mississippi and its branches, with those
other rivers above referred to, drain an extent of country,
not less, perhaps, than one-half of our whole territory, containing
at this time one-eighth of our population and progressing
with a rapidity beyond the experience of any former time,
or of any other nation. The Floridas and New Orleans command
the only outlets to the sea, and our best interests require
that we should get possession of them. This requisition, however,
arises not from a disposition to increase our territory; for
neither the Floridas nor New Or leans offer any other inducements
than their mere geographical relation to the United States.
But if we look forward to the free use of the Mississippi,
the Mobile, the Apalachicola, and the other rivers of the
West, by ourselves and our posterity, New Orleans and the
Floridas must become a part of the United States, either by
purchase or by conquest.
The great question, then,
which presents itself is, shall we at this time lay the foundation
for future peace by offering a fair and equivalent consideration;
or shall we hereafter incur the hazards and the horrors of
war? The Government of the United States is differently organized
from any other in the world. Its object is the happiness of
man; its policy and its interest, to pursue right by right
means. War is the great scourge of the human race, and should
never be resorted to but in cases of the most imperious necessity.
A wise government will avoid it, when its views can be attained
by peaceful measures. Princes fight for glory, and the blood
and treasure of their subjects is the price they pay. In all
nations the people bear the burden of war, and in the United
States the people rule. Their Representatives are the guardians
of their rights, and it is the duty of those Representatives
to provide against any event which may, even at a distant
day, involve the interests and the happiness of the nation.
We may, indeed, have our rights restored to us by treaty;
but there is a want of fortitude in applying temporary remedies
to permanent evils; thereby imposing on our posterity a burden
which we ourselves ought to bear. If the purchase can be made,
we ought not to hesitate.
If the attempt should
fail, we shall have discharged an important duty.
War may be the result,
but the American nation, satisfied with our conduct, will
be animated by one soul, and will unite all its energies in
the contest. Foreign Powers will be convinced that it is not
a war of aggrandizement on our part, and will feel no unreasonable
able jealousies towards us. We shall have proved that our
object was justice; it will be seen that our propositions
were fair; and it will be acknowledged that our cause is honorable.
Should alliances he necessary they may be advantageously formed.
We shall have merited, and shall therefore possess, general
confidence. Our measures will stand justified not only to
ourselves and our country, but to the world.
In another point of view,
perhaps, it would be preferable to make the purchase, as it
is believed that a smaller sum would be required for this
subject, than would necessarily be expended, if we should
attempt to take possession by force; the expenses of a war
being, indeed, almost incalculable. The Committee have no
information before them, to ascertain the amount for which
the purchase can be made, but it is hoped that, with the assistance
of two millions of dollars in hand, this will not be unreasonable.
A similar course was pursued for the purpose of settling our
differences with the Regency of Algiers, by an appropriation
of one million of dollars, prior to the commencement of the
negotiation, and we have since experienced its beneficial
effects.
Under these impressions,
therefore, the Committee recommend the adoption of the resolution
referred to them in the following words, viz:
Resolved, That a sum of
two millions of dollars, in addition to the provision heretofore
made, be appropriated to defray the expenses which may be
incurred in relation to the intercourse between the United
States and foreign nations; to be paid out of any money that
may be in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to
be applied under the direction of the President of the United
States; who, if necessary, is hereby authorized to borrow
the same, or any part thereof, an account whereof, as soon
as may be, shall be laid before Congress.
From the American Memory Collection, Library
of Congress.
