The act of the last session of Congress concerning
the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great
Britain and France and their dependencies having invited in a
new form a termination of their edicts against our neutral commerce,
copies of the act were immediately forwarded to our ministers
at London and Paris, with a view that its object might be within
the early attention of the French and British Governments.
By the communication received through our minister
at Paris it appeared that knowledge of the act by the French Government
was followed by a declaration that the Berlin and Milan decrees
were revoked, and would cease to have effect on the first day
of November ensuing. These being the only known edicts of France
within the description of the act, and the revocation of them
being such that they ceased at that date to violate our neutral
commerce, the fact, as prescribed by law, was announced by a proclamation
bearing date the 2nd of November.
It would have well accorded with the conciliatory views indicated
by this proceeding on the part of France to have extended them
to all the grounds of just complaint which now remain unadjusted
with the United States. It was particularly anticipated that,
as a further evidence of just dispositions toward them, restoration
would have been immediately made of the property of our citizens
under a misapplication of the principle of reprisals combined
with a misconstruction of a law of the United States. This expectation
has not been fulfilled.
From the British Government no communication
on the subject of the act has been received. To a communication
from our minister at London of a revocation by the French Government
of its Berlin and Milan decrees it was answered that the British
system would be relinquished as soon as the repeal of the French
decrees should have actually taken effect and the commerce of
neutral nations have been restored to the condition in which it
stood previously to the promulgation of those decrees. This pledge,
although it does not necessarily import, does not exclude the
intention of relinquishing, along with the others in council,
the practice of those novel blockades which have a like effect
of interrupting our neutral commerce, and this further justice
to the United States is the rather to be looked for, in as much
as the blockades in question, being not more contrary to the established
law of nations than inconsistent with the rules of blockade formally
recognized by Great Britain herself, could have no alleged basis
other than the plea of retaliation alleged as the basis of the
orders in council. Under the modification of the original orders
of November, 1807, into the orders of April, 1809l, there is,
indeed, scarcely a nominal distinction between the orders and
the blockades. One of those illegitimate blockades, bearing date
in May, 1806, having been expressly avowed to be still unrescinded,
and to be in effect comprehended in the orders in council, was
too distinctly brought within the purview of the act of Congress
not to be comprehended in the explanation of the requisites to
a compliance with it. The British Government was accordingly apprised
by our minister near it that such was the light in which the subject
was to be regarded.
On the other important subjects depending between the United States
and the Government no progress has been made from which an early
and satisfactory result can be relied on.
In this new posture of our relations with those
powers the consideration of Congress will be properly turned to
a removal of doubts which may occur in the exposition and of difficulties
in the execution of the act above cited.
The commerce of the United States with the north
of Europe, heretofore much vexed by licentious cruisers, particularly
under the Danish flag, has latterly been visited with fresh and
extensive depredations. The measures pursued in behalf of our
injured citizens not having obtained justice for them, a further
and more formal interposition with the Danish Government is contemplated.
The principles which have been maintained by that Government in
relation to neutral commerce, and the friendly professions of
His Danish Majesty toward the United States, are valuable pledges
in favor of a successful issue.
Among the events growing out of the state of
the Spanish Monarchy, our attention was imperiously attracted
to the change developing itself in that portion of West Florida
which, though of right appertaining to the United States, had
remained in the possession of Spain awaiting the result of negotiations
for its actual delivery to them. The Spanish authority was subverted
and a situation produced exposing the country to ulterior events
which might essentially affect the rights and welfare of the Union.
In such a conjuncture I did not delay the interposition required
for the occupancy of the territory west of the river Perdido,
to which the title of the United States extends, and to which
the laws provided for the Territory of Orleans are applicable.
With this view, the proclamation of which a copy is laid before
you was confided to the governor of that Territory to be carried
into effect. The legality and necessity of the course pursued
assure me of the favorable light in which it will present itself
to the Legislature, and of the promptitude with which they will
supply whatever provisions may be due to the essential rights
and equitable interests of the people thus brought into the bosom
of the American family.
Our amity with the powers of Barbary, with the
exception of a recent occurrence at Tunis, of which an explanation
is just received, appears to have been uninterrupted and to have
become more firmly established.
With the Indian tribes also the peace and friendship
of the United States are found to be so eligible that the general
disposition to preserve both continues to gain strength.
I feel particular satisfaction in remarking that
an interior view of our country presents us with grateful proofs
of its substantial and increasing prosperity. To a thriving agriculture
and the improvements related to it is added a highly interesting
extension of useful manufactures, the combined product of professional
occupations and of household industry. Such indeed is the experience
of economy as well as of policy in these substitutes for supplies
heretofore obtained by foreign commerce that in a national view
the change is justly regarded as of itself more than a recompense
for those privations and losses resulting from foreign injustice
which furnished the general impulse required for its accomplishment.
How far it may be expedient to guard the infancy of this improvement
in the distribution of labor by regulations of the commercial
tariff is a subject which can not fail to suggest itself to your
patriotic reflections.
It will rest with the consideration of Congress
also whether a provident as well as fair encouragement would not
be given to our navigation by such regulations as would place
it on a level of competition with foreign vessels, particularly
in transporting the important and bulky productions of our own
soil. The failure of equality and reciprocity in the existing
regulations on this subject operates in our ports as a premium
to foreign competitors, and the inconvenience must increase as
these may be multiplied under more favorable circumstances by
the more than countervailing encouragements now given them by
the laws of their respective countries.
Whilst it is universally admitted that a well-instructed
people alone can be permanently a free people, and whilst it is
evident that the means of diffusing and improving useful knowledge
form so small a proportion of the expenditures for national purposes,
I can not presume it to be unseasonable to invite your attention
to the advantages of superadding to the means of education provided
by the several States a seminary of learning instituted by the
National Legislature within the limits of their exclusive jurisdiction,
the expense of which might be defrayed or reimbursed out of the
vacant grounds which have accrued to the nation within those limits.
Such an institution, though local in its legal
character, would be universal in its beneficial effects. By enlightening
the opinions, by expanding the patriotism, and by assimilating
the principles, the sentiments, and the manners of those who might
resort to this temple of science, to be redistributed in due time
through every part of the community, sources of jealousy and prejudice
would be diminished, the features of national character would
be multiplied, and greater extent given to social harmony. But,
above all, a well-constituted seminary in the center of the nation
is recommended by the consideration that the additional instruction
emanating from it would contribute not less to strengthen the
foundations than to adorn the structure of our free and happy
system of government.
Among the commercial abuses still committed under
the American flag, and leaving in force my former reference to
that subject, it appears that American citizens are instrumental
in carrying on a traffic in enslaved Africans, equally in violation
of the laws of humanity and in defiance of those of their own
country. The same just and benevolent motives which produced interdiction
in force against this criminal conduct will doubtless be felt
by Congress in devising further means of suppressing the evil.
In the midst of uncertainties necessarily connected with the great
interests of the United States, prudence requires a continuance
of our defensive and precautionary arrangement. The Secretary
of War and Secretary of the Navy will submit the statements and
estimates which may aid Congress in their ensuing provisions for
the land and naval forces. The statements of the latter will include
a view of the transfers of appropriations in the naval expenditures
and in the grounds on which they were made.
The fortifications for the defense of our maritime
frontier have been prosecuted according to the plan laid down
in 1808. The works, with some exceptions, are completed and furnished
with ordnance. Those for the security of the city of New York,
though far advanced toward completion, will require a further
time and appropriation. This is the case with a few others, either
not completed or in need of repairs.
The improvements in quality and quantity made
in the manufacture of cannon and small arms, both at the public
armories and private factories, warrant additional confidence
in the competency of these resources for supplying the public
exigencies.
These preparations for arming the militia having
thus far provided for one of the objects contemplated by the power
vested in Congress with respect to that great bulwark of the public
safety, it is for their consideration whether further provisions
are not requisite for the other contemplated objects of organization
and discipline. To give to this great mass of physical and moral
force the efficiency which it merits, and is capable of receiving,
it is indispensable that they should be instructed and practiced
in the rules by which they are to be governed. Toward an accomplishment
of this important work I recommend for the consideration of Congress
the expediency of instituting a system which shall in the first
instance call into the field at the public expense and for a given
time certain portions of the commissioned and non-commissioned
officers. The instruction and discipline thus acquired would gradually
diffuse through the entire body of the militia that practical
knowledge and promptitude for active service which are the great
ends to be pursued. Experience has left no doubt either of the
necessity or of the efficacy of competent military skill in those
portions of an army in fitting it for the final duties which it
may have to perform.
The Corps of Engineers, with the Military Academy,
are entitled to the early attention of Congress. The buildings
at the seat fixed by law for the present Academy are so far in
decay as not to afford the necessary accommodation. But a revision
of the law is recommended, principally with a view to a more enlarged
cultivation and diffusion of the advantages of such institutions,
by providing professorships for all the necessary branches of
military instruction, and by the establishment of an additional
academy at the seat of Government or elsewhere. The means by which
war, as well for defense as for offense, are now carried on render
these schools of the more scientific operations an indispensable
part of every adequate system. Even among nations whose large
standing armies and frequent wars afford every other opportunity
of instruction these establishments are found to be indispensable
for the due attainment of the branches of military science which
require a regular course of study and experiment. In a government
happily without the other opportunities, seminaries where the
elementary principles of the art of war can be taught without
actual war, and without the expense of extensive and standing
armies, have the precious advantage of uniting an essential preparation
against external danger with a scrupulous regard to internal safety.
In no other way, probably, can a provision of equal efficacy for
the public defense be made at so little expense or more consistently
with the public liberty.
The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th
of September last (and amounting to more than $8,500,000) have
exceeded the current expenses of the Government, including the
interest on the public debt. For the purpose of reimbursing at
the end of the year $3,750,000 of the principal, a loan, as authorized
by law, had been negotiated to that amount, but has since been
reduced to $2,750,000, the reduction being permitted by the state
of the Treasury, in which there will be a balance remaining at
the end of the year estimated at $2,000,000. For the probable
receipts of the next year and other details I refer to statements
which will be transmitted from the Treasury, and which will enable
you to judge what further provisions may be necessary for the
ensuing years.
Reserving for future occasions in the course
of the session whatever other communications may claim your attention,
I close the present by expressing my reliance, under the blessing
of Divine Providence, on the judgement and patriotism which will
guide your measures at a period particularly calling for united
councils and flexible exertions for the welfare of our country,
and by assuring you of the fidelity and alacrity with which my
cooperation will be afforded.
